名人演講稿4篇

羅斯福-四項自由 英語演講稿

mr. speaker, members of the 77th congress:

i address you, the members of this new congress, at a moment unprecedented in the history of the union. i use the word “unprecedented” because at no previous time has american security been as seriously threatened from without as it is today.

since the permanent formation of our government under the constitution in 1789, most of the periods of crisis in our history have related to our domestic affairs. and, fortunately, only one of these-the four-year war between the states-ever threatened our national unity. today, thank god, 130,000,000 americans in forty-eight states have forgotten points of the compass in our national unity.

it is true that prior to 1914 the united states often has been disturbed by events in other continents. we have even engaged in two wars with european nations and in a number of undeclared wars in the west indies, in the mediterranean and in the pacific, for the maintenance of american rights and for the principles of peaceful commerce. but in no case has a serious threat been raised against our national safety or our continued independence.

what i seek to convey is the historic truth that the united states as a nation has at all times maintained opposition-clear, definite opposition-to any attempt to lock us in behind an ancient chinese wall while the procession of civilization went past. today, thinking of our children and of their children, we oppose enforced isolation for ourselves or for any other part of the americas.

that determination of ours, extending over all these years, was proved, for example, in the early days during the quarter century of wars following the french revolution. while the napoleonic struggle did threaten interests of the united states because of the french foothold in the west indies and in louisiana, and while we engaged in the war of 1812 to vindicate our right to peaceful trade, it is nevertheless clear that neither france nor great britain nor any other nation was aiming at domination of the whole world.

and in like fashion, from 1815 to 1914-ninety-nine years-no single war in europe or in asia constituted a real threat against our future or against the future of any other american nation.

except in the maximilian interlude in mexico, no foreign power sought to establish itself in this hemisphere. and friendly strength; it is still a friendly strength.

even when the world war broke out in 1914 it seemed to contain only small threat of danger to our own american future. but as time went on, as we remember, the american people began to visualize what the downfall of democratic nations might mean to our own democracy.

we need not overemphasize imperfections in the peace of versailles. we need not harp on failure of the democracies to deal with problems of world reconstruction. we should remember that the peace of 1919 was far less unjust than the kind of pacification which began even before munich, and which is being carried on under the new order of tyranny that seeks to spread over every continent today.

the american people have unalterably set their faces against that tyranny.

i suppose that every realist knows that the democratic way of life is at this moment being directly assailed in every part of the world-assailed either by arms or by secret spreading of poisonous propaganda by those who seek to destroy unity and promote discord in nations that are still at peace.

during sixteen long months this assault has blotted out the whole pattern of democratic life in an appalling number of independent nations, great and small. and the assailants are still on the march, threatening other nations, great and small.

therefore, as your president, performing my constitutional duty to “give to the congress information of the state of the union,” i find it unhappily necessary to report that the future and the safety of our country and of our democracy are overwhelmingly involved in events far beyond our borders.

armed defense of democratic existence is now being gallantly waged in four continents. if that defense fails, all the population and all the resources of europe and asia, africa and australia will be dominated by conquerors. and let us remember that the total of those populations in those four continents, the total of those populations and their resources greatly exceeds the sum total of the population and the resources of the whole of the western hemisphere-yes, many times over.

in times like these it is immature- and, incidentally, untrue-for anybody to brag that an unprepared america, single-handed and with one hand tied behind its back, can hold off the whole world.

no realistic american can expect from a dictator’s peace international generosity, or return of true independence, or world disarmament, or freedom of expression, or freedom of religion-or even good business. such a peace would bring no security for us or for our neighbors. those who would give up essential liberty to purchase a little temporary safety deserve neither liberty nor safety.

as a nation we may take pride in the fact that we are soft-hearted; but we cannot afford to be soft-headed. we must always be wary of those who with sounding brass and a tinkling cymbal preach the ism of appeasement. we must especially beware of that small group of selfish men who would clip the wings of the american eagle in order to feather their own nests.

i have recently pointed out how quickly the tempo of modern warfare could bring into our very midst the physical attack which we must eventually expect if the dictator nation win this war.

there is much loose talk of our immunity from immediate and direct invasion from across the seas. obviously, as long as the british navy retains its power, no such danger exists. even if there were no british navy, it is not probable that any enemy would be stupid enough to attack us by landing troops in the united states from across thousands of miles of ocean, until it had acquired strategic bases from which to operate.

but we learn much from the lessons of the past years in europe-particularly the lesson of norway, whose essential seaports were captured by treachery and surprise built up over a series of years.

the first phase of the invasion of this hemisphere would not be the landing of regular troops. the necessary strategic points would be occupied by secret agents and by their dupes-and great numbers of them are already here and in latin america.

as long as the aggressor nations maintain the offensive they, not we, will choose the time and the place and the method of their attack.

and that is why the future of all the american republics is today in serious danger. that is why this annual message to the congress is unique in our history. that is why every member of the executive branch of the government and every member of the congress face great responsibility-great accountability.

the need of the moment is that our actions and our policy should be devoted primarily-almost exclusively-to meeting this foreign peril. for all our domestic problems are now a part of the great emergency.

just as our national policy in internal affairs has been based upon a decent respect for the rights and dignity of all our fellow men within our gates, so our national policy in foreign affairs has been based on a decent respect for the rights and the dignity of all nations, large and small. and the justice of morality must and will win in the end.

our national policy is this:

first, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to all-inclusive national defense.

second, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to full support of all those resolute people everywhere who are resisting aggression and are thereby keeping war away from our hemisphere. by this support we express our determination that the democratic cause shall prevail, and we strengthen the defense and the security of our own nation.

third, by an impressive expression of the public will and without regard to partisanship, we are committed to the proposition that principle of morality and considerations for our own security will never permit us to acquiesce in a peace dictated by aggressors and sponsored by appeasers. we know that enduring peace cannot be bought at the cost of other people's freedom.

in the recent national election there was no substantial difference between the two great parties in respect to that national policy. no issue was fought out on the line before the american electorate. and today it is abundantly evident that american citizens everywhere are demanding and supporting speedy and complete action in recognition of obvious danger.

therefore, the immediate need is a swift and driving increase in our armament production. leaders of industry and labor have responded to our summons. goals of speed have been set. in some cases these goals are being reached ahead of time. in some cases we are on schedule; in other cases there are slight but not serious delays. and in some cases-and, i am sorry to say, very important cases -- we are all concerned by the slowness of the accomplishment of our plans.

the army and navy, however, have made substantial progress during the past year. actual experience is improving and speeding up our methods of production with every passing day. and today's best is not good enough for tomorrow.

i am not satisfied with the progress thus far made. the men in charge of the program represent the best in training, in ability and in patriotism. they are not satisfied with the progress thus far made. none of us will be satisfied until the job is done.

no matter whether the original goal was set too high or too low, our objective is quicker and better results.

to give you two illustrations:

we are behind schedule in turning out finished airplanes.

we are working day and night to solve the innumerable problems and to catch up.

we are ahead of schedule in building warships, but we are working to get even further ahead of that schedule.

to change a whole nation from a basis of peacetime production of implements of peace to a basis of wartime production of implements of war is no small task. the greatest difficulty comes at the beginning of the program, when new tools, and new plant facilities, new assembly lines, new shipways must first be constructed before the actual material begins to flow steadily and speedily from them.

the congress of course, must rightly keep itself informed at all times of the progress of the program. however, there is certain information, as the congress itself will readily recognize, which, in the interests of our own security and those of the nations that we are supporting, must of needs be kept in confidence.

new circumstances are constantly begetting new needs for our safety. i shall ask this congress for greatly increased new appropriations and authorizations to carry on what we have begun.

i also ask this congress for authority and for funds sufficient to manufacture additional munitions and war supplies of many kinds, to be turned over to those nations which are now in actual war with aggressor nations. our most useful and immediate role is to act as an arsenal for them as well as for ourselves. they do not need manpower, but they do need billions of dollars’ worth of the weapons of defense.

the time is near when they will not be able to pay for them all in ready cash. we cannot, and we will not, tell them that they must surrender merely because of present inability to pay for the weapons which we know they must have.

i do not recommend that we make them a loan of dollars with which to pay for these weapons -- a loan to be repaid in dollars. i recommend that we make it possible for those nations to continue to obtain war materials in the united states, fitting their orders into our own program. and nearly all of their material would, if the time ever came, be useful in our own defense.

taking counsel of expert military and naval authorities, considering what is best for our own security, we are free to decide how much should be kept here and how much should be sent abroad to our friends who, by their determined and heroic resistance, are giving us time in which to make ready our own defense.

for what we send abroad we shall be repaid, repaid within a reasonable time following the close of hostilities, repaid in similar materials, or at our option in other goods of many kinds which they can produce and which we need.

let us say to the democracies: "we americans are vitally concerned in your defense of freedom. we are putting forth our energies, our resources, and our organizing powers to give you the strength to regain and maintain a free world. we shall send you in ever-increasing numbers, ships, planes, tanks, guns. this is our purpose and our pledge."

in fulfillment of this purpose we will not be intimidated by the threats of dictators that they will regard as a breach of international law or as an act of war our aid to the democracies which dare to resist their aggression. such aid is not an act of war, even if a dictator should unilaterally proclaim it so to be.

and when the dictators-if the dictators--are ready to make war upon us, they will not wait for an act of war on our part.

they did not wait for norway or belgium or the netherlands to commit an act of war. their only interest is in a new one-way international law, which lacks mutuality in its observance and therefore becomes an instrument of oppression. the happiness of future generations of americans may well depend on how effective and how immediate we can make our aid felt. no one can tell the exact character of the emergency situations that we may be called upon to meet. the nation's hands must not be tied when the nation's life is in danger.

yes, and we must prepare, all of us prepare, to make the sacrifices that the emergency-almost as serious as war itself--demands. whatever stands in the way of speed and efficiency in defense, in defense preparations at any time, must give way to the national need.

a free nation has the right to expect full cooperation from all groups. a free nation has the right to look to the leaders of business, of labor and of agriculture to take the lead in stimulating effort, not among other groups but within their own groups.

the best way of dealing with the few slackers or trouble-makers in our midst is, first, to shame them by patriotic example, and if that fails, to use the sovereignty of government to save government.

as men do not live by bread alone, they do not fight by armaments alone. those who man our defenses and those behind them who build our defenses must have the stamina and the courage which come from an unshakable belief in the manner of life which they are defending. the mighty action that we are calling for cannot be based on a disregard of all the things worth fighting for.

the nation takes great satisfaction and much strength from the things which have been done to make its people conscious of their individual stake in the preservation of democratic life in america. those things have toughened the fiber of our people, have renewed their faith and strengthened their devotion to the institutions we make ready to protect.

certainly this is no time for any of us to stop thinking about the social and economic problems which are the root cause of the social revolution which is today a supreme factor in the world. for there is nothing mysterious about the foundations of a healthy and strong democracy.

the basic things expected by our people of their political and economic systems are simple. they are:

equality of opportunity for youth and for others.

jobs for those who can work.

security for those who need it.

the ending of special privilege for the few.

the preservation of civil liberties for all.

the enjoyment of the fruits of scientific progress in a wider and constantly rising standard of living.

these are the simple, the basic things that must never be lost sight of in the turmoil and unbelievable complexity of our modern world. the inner and abiding straight of our economic and political systems is dependent upon the degree to which they fulfill these expectations.

many subjects connected with our social economy call for immediate improvement. as examples:

we should bring more citizens under the coverage of old-age pensions and unemployment insurance.

we should widen the opportunities for adequate medical care.

we should plan a better system by which persons deserving or needing gainful employment may obtain it.

i have called for personal sacrifice, and i am assured of the willingness of almost all americans to respond to that call. a part of the sacrifice means the payment of more money in taxes. in my budget message i will recommend that a greater portion of this great defense program be paid for from taxation than we are paying for today. no person should try, or be allowed to get rich out of the program, and the principle of tax payments in accordance with ability to pay should be constantly before our eyes to guide our legislation.

if the congress maintains these principles the voters, putting patriotism ahead pocketbooks, will give you their applause.

in the future days, which we seek to make secure, we look forward to a world founded upon four essential human freedoms.

the first is freedom of speech and expression--everywhere in the world.

the second is freedom of every person to worship god in his own way everywhere in the world.

the third is freedom from want, which, translated into world terms, means economic understandings which will secure to every nation a healthy peacetime life for its inhabitants--everywhere in the world.

the fourth is freedom from fear, which, translated into world terms, means a world-wide reduction of armaments to such a point and in such a thorough fashion that no nation will be in a position to commit an act of physical aggression against any neighbor -- anywhere in the world.

that is no vision of a distant millennium. it is a definite basis for a kind of world attainable in our own time and generation. that kind of world is the very antithesis of the so-called “new order” of tyranny which the dictators seek to create with the crash of a bomb.

to that new order we oppose the greater conception -- the moral order. a good society is able to face schemes of world domination and foreign revolutions alike without fear.

since the beginning of our american history we have been engaged in change, in a perpetual, peaceful revolution, a revolution which goes on steadily, quietly adjusting itself to changing conditions without the concentration camp or the quicklime in the ditch. the world order which we seek is the cooperation of free countries, working together in a friendly, civilized society.

this nation has placed its destiny in the hands, heads and hearts of its millions of free men and women, and its faith in freedom under the guidance of god. freedom means the supremacy of human rights everywhere. our support goes to those who struggle to gain those rights and keep them. our strength is our unity of purpose.

to that high concept there can be no end save victory.

i appreciate your attention today, because to show that you truly care, you listen. but there's a problem with this rosy picture of kids being so much better than adults. kids grow up and become adults just like you. (laughter) or just like you, really?

我非常感謝你們今天來聽我的演講，因爲那說明你們真的在乎，你們在傾聽。但是對於“孩子比大人好太多” 這件事仍有一個問題。孩子們長大會變成像你們一樣的成人。(笑聲)就像你們這樣，真的嗎?

the goal is not to turn kids into your kind of adult, but rather better adults than you have been, which may be a little challenging considering your guys credentials, but the way progress happens is because new generations and new eras grow and develop and become better than the previous 's the reason we're not in the dark ages anymore. no matter your position of place in life, it is imperative to create opportunities for children so that we can grow up to blow you away.

最終的目標並不是把孩子變成你們這種大人，而是變成比你們更好的大人，考慮到你們已經是比較成功的成人，這可能有一點難度。但是這個過程在發生，因爲新的一代的成長和發展並變得比前一輩更好。這就是我們不再處於黑暗時代的原因。不論你處於生生活中何種狀態，爲你的孩子創造機會很重要，這樣他們才能超越你們。

adults and fellow tedsters, you need to listen and learn from kids and trust us and expect more from us. you must lend an ear today, because we are the leaders of tomorrow, which means we're going to be taking care of you when you're old and senile. no, just kidding. no, really, we are going to be the next generation, the ones who will bring this world forward.

大人和ted的關注者們，你們需要從孩子那裏傾聽和學習，相信我們並且給我們更多期待。你們今天必須傾聽我們，因爲我們是明天的領導者，因爲我們會在你們年老力衰的時候照顧你們。不，開個玩笑。不，說真的，我們將會成爲推動這個世界前進的下一代。

and, in case you don't think that this really has meaning for you, remember that cloning is possible, and that involves going through childhood again, in which case, you'll want to be heard just like my generation. now, the world needs opportunities for new leaders and new ideas. kids need opportunities to lead and succeed. are you ready to make the match? because the world's problems shouldn't be the human family's heirloom.

然而，如果您認爲這個對您來說沒有意義，請記住克隆是可能的，那意味着你們將再次體驗童年，您會像我們這一代人一樣，渴望被傾聽。現在，世界應當爲新的領導者和新思想提供機會。孩子們需要機會去領導和成功。你準備好與時俱進了嗎?因爲我們不應當將前人的錯誤傳遞給下一代。

《文天祥少年正氣》

南宋末年著名的民族英雄文天祥少年時生活困苦，在好心人的幫助下才有機會讀書。一次，文天祥被有錢的同學誤會是小偷，他據理力爭，不許別人踐踏自己的尊嚴，終於證明了自己的清白，而且通過這件事，更加樹立了文天祥金榜題名的志向。

《陳平忍辱苦讀書》

陳平西漢名相，少時家貧，與哥哥相依爲命，爲了秉承父命，光耀門庭，不事生產，閉門讀書，卻爲大嫂所不容，爲了消弭兄嫂的矛盾，面對一再羞辱，隱忍不發，隨着大嫂的變本加厲，終於忍無可忍，出走離家，欲浪跡天涯，被哥哥追回後，又不計前嫌，阻兄休嫂，在當地傳爲美談。終有一老着，慕名前來，免費收徒授課，學成後，輔佐劉邦，成就了一番霸業。

《陸羽棄佛從文》

唐朝著名學者陸羽，從小是個孤兒，被智積禪師撫養長大。陸羽雖身在廟中，卻不願終日誦經唸佛，而是喜歡吟讀詩書。陸羽執意下山求學，遭到了禪師的反對。禪師爲了給陸羽出難題，同時也是爲了更好地教育他，便叫他學習沖茶。在鑽研茶藝的過程中，陸羽碰到了一位好心的老婆婆，不僅學會了複雜的沖茶的技巧，更學會了不少讀書和做人的道理。當陸羽最終將一杯熱氣騰騰的苦丁茶端到禪師面前時，禪師終於答應了他下山讀書的要求。後來，陸羽撰寫了廣爲流傳的《茶經》，把祖國的茶藝文化發揚光大!

《少年包拯學斷案》包拯包青天，自幼聰穎，勤學好問，尤喜推理斷案，其家父與知縣交往密切，包拯從小耳濡目染，學會了不少的斷案知識，尤其在焚廟殺僧一案中，包拯根據現場的蛛絲馬跡，剝繭抽絲，排查出犯罪嫌疑人後，又假扮閻王，審清事實真-相，協助知縣緝拿兇手，爲民除害。他努力學習律法刑理知識，爲長大以後斷案如神，爲民伸冤，打下了深厚的知識基矗

《萬斯同閉門苦讀》

清朝初期的著名學者、史學家萬斯同參與編撰了我國重要史書《二十四史》。但萬斯同小的時候也是一個頑皮的孩子。萬斯同由於貪玩，在賓客們面前丟了面子，從而遭到了賓客們的批評。萬斯同惱怒之下，掀翻了賓客們的桌子，被父親關到了書屋裏。萬斯同從生氣、厭惡讀書，到閉門思過，並從《茶經》中受到啓發，開始用心讀書。轉眼一年多過去了，萬斯同在書屋中讀了很多書，父親原諒了兒子，而萬斯同也明白了父親的良苦用心。萬斯同經過長期的勤學苦讀，終於成爲一位通曉歷史遍覽羣書的著名學者，並參與了《二十四史》之《明史》的編修工作。

《唐伯虎潛心學畫》

唐伯虎是明朝著名的畫家和文學家，小的時候在畫畫方面顯示了超人的才華。唐伯虎拜師，拜在大畫家沈周門下，學習自然更加刻苦勤奮，掌握繪畫技藝很快，深受沈周的稱讚。不料，由於沈周的稱讚，這次使一向謙虛的唐伯虎也漸漸地產生了自滿的情緒，沈周看在眼中，記在心裏，一次吃飯，沈周讓唐伯虎去開窗戶，唐伯虎發現自己手下的窗戶竟是老師沈周的一幅畫，唐伯虎非常慚愧，從此潛心學畫。

《林則徐對聯立志》這個故事講的是清代著名的民族英雄林則。林則徐小時候就天資聰慧，兩次機會下，作了兩幅對聯，這兩幅對聯表達了林則徐的遠大志向。林則徐不僅敢於立志，而且讀書刻苦，長大後成就了一番大事業，受到了後世的敬仰。

《文天祥少年正氣》

南宋末年著名的民族英雄文天祥少年時生活困苦，在好心人的幫助下才有機會讀書。一次，文天祥被有錢的同學誤會是小偷，他據理力爭，不許別人踐踏自己的尊嚴，終於證明了自己的清白，而且通過這件事，更加樹立了文天祥金榜題名的志向。

【名人英語演講稿範文】

1. steve jobs

史蒂芬·喬布斯ceo of apple computers 蘋果電腦ceostanford university 斯坦福大學june 12, XX

XX年6月12日remembering that you are going to die is the best way i know to avoid the trap of thinking you have something to lose. you are already naked. there is no reason not to follow your time is limited, so don't waste it living someone else's life. don't be trapped by dogma — which is living with the results of other people's thinking. don't let the noise of others' opinions drown out your own inner voice. and most important, have the courage to follow your heart and intuition. they somehow already know what you truly want to become. everything else is secondary。

記着你總會死去，這是我知道的防止患得患失的最佳辦法。赤條條來去無牽掛，還有什麼理由不隨你的心?!你的時間是有限的，因此不要把時間浪費在過別人的生活上。不要被教條所困——使自己的生活受限於他人的思想成果。不要讓他人的意見淹沒了你自己內心的聲音。最重要的是，要有勇氣跟隨你的內心與直覺，它們好歹已經知道你真正想讓自己成爲什麼。其他的，都是次要的。

2. david foster wallace

novelist 小說家kenyon college 肯尼恩學院may 21, XX

XX年5月21日there are these two young fish swimming along and they happen to meet an older fish swimming the other way, who nods at them and says, “morning, boys. how's the water?” and the two young fish swim on for a bit, and then eventually one of them looks over at the other and goes, “what the hell is water?”... simple awareness; awareness of what is so real and essential, so hidden in plain sight all around us, all the time, that we have to keep reminding ourselves over and over:“this is water。”“this is water。”it is unimaginably hard to do this, to stay conscious and alive in the adult world day in and day out。

有兩條小魚一起在水裏遊，碰到一條老魚迎面游過來。老魚向他們點點頭，並說：“早上好，孩子們。水怎麼樣?”這兩條小魚繼續往前遊了一會兒後，其中一條小魚實在忍不住了，看了一下另一條小魚，問道：“水到底是什麼東西?”……簡單的意識;對我們生活中如此真實、如此必不可少、無處不在、無時不在的事物的意識，需要我們一遍一遍地提醒自己：“這是水。”“這是水。”天天都保持意識清醒而鮮活，在成人世界中做到這點，是不可想象地難。

3. michael uslan

邁克爾·奧斯蘭movie producer 電影製片人indiana university 印第安納大學may 06, XX

XX年5月6日you must believe in yourself and in your work. when our first batman movie broke all those box-office records, i received a phone call from that united artists exec who, years before, had told me i was out of my mind. now he said, “michael, i'm just calling to congratulate you on the success of batman. i always said you were a visionary。” you see the point here — don't believe them when they tell you how bad you are or how terrible your ideas are, but also, don't believe them when they tell you how wonderful you are and how great your ideas are. just believe in yourself and you'll do just fine. and, oh yes, don't then forget to market yourself and your ideas. use both sides of your must have a high threshold for frustration. take it from the guy who was turned down by every studio in hollywood. you must knock on doors until your knuckles bleed. doors will slam in your face. you must pick yourself up, dust yourself off, and knock again. it's the only way to achieve your goals in life。

你必須相信你自己，對自己的工作充滿信心。當我們的第一部電影《蝙蝠俠》創下史無前例的票房紀錄時，我接到了藝術家聯合會會長的電話，他在數年之前曾說我瘋了。如今他說：“邁克爾，我給你打電話祝賀《蝙蝠俠》的成功。我總說你是一位有遠見的人。”你看，關鍵在這裏，當他們說你有多差，你的想法有多糟的時候，不要信他們的話，同時，當他們告訴你你有多麼了不起，你的想法多美妙時，也不要相信他們。你就只相信你自己，這樣你就能做好。還有，那就是，不要忘記推銷你自己和你的想法。左右大腦你都得用。要能經受得住挫敗。這是被好萊塢每一家制片廠拒絕過的人的經驗。你必須去敲一扇扇的門，直到指關節流血。大門會在你面前砰然關上，你必須重振旗鼓，彈去身上的灰塵，再敲下一扇門。這是實現你人生目標的唯一辦法。

4. woody hayes

伍迪·海耶斯college fooball coach 大學橄欖球教練ohio state university 俄亥俄州立大學may 14, 1986

1986年5月14日in football we always said that the other team couldn't beat us. we had to be sure that we didn't beat ourselves. and that’s what people have to do, too — make sure they don't beat themselves.... you'll find out that nothing that comes easy is worth a dime. as a matter of fact, i never saw a football player make a tackle with a smile on his face. never。

在橄欖球場上，我們總是說其他隊戰勝不了我們。我們必須做到不把自己打垮。所有人也都必須這麼做，確保自己不要被自己打垮。……你會發現，來得容易的東西總是一文不值。事實上，我從來沒有看到哪位橄欖球運動員是帶着微笑完成阻截的。從來沒有。

5. bradley whitford

布蘭德利·惠特福德actor 演員university wisconsin - madison 威斯康辛大學麥迪遜分校may 17, XX

XX年5月17日number one: fall in love with the process and the results will er two: do your er three: once you're prepared, throw your preparation in the er four: you are capable of more than you er five: er six: take have a choice. you can either be a passive victim of circumstance or you can be the active hero of your own life. action is the antidote to apathy and cynicism and despair。

第一，愛上過程，結果自然會來。第二，做你的事。第三，一旦準備好，就付諸行動。第四，你能做的，超出了你的想象。第五，聆聽。第六，採取行動。你有一個選擇。要麼你成爲環境的被動受害者，要麼你主動成爲自己生活的英雄。行動可以消除冷漠、玩世不恭與絕望。

6. jerry zucker

傑瑞·朱克director, movie producer 導演、電影製片人university of wisconsin 威斯康辛大學may 17, XX

XX年5月17日it doesn't matter whether your dream came true if you spent your whole life yourself one question: if i didn't have to do it perfectly, what would i try?nobody else is paying as much attention to your failures as you are. you're the only one who is obsessed with the importance of your own life. to everyone else, it's just a blip on the radar screen, so just move on。

如果你一生都在睡覺，你的夢想是否實現就無關緊要了。問你自己一個問題：如果我不是必須做得完美，那我還努力什麼呢?沒有人會像你自己那樣對自己的失敗那麼在意。你是唯一一個能追求自己的生活意義的人。對於其他所有人來說，你只是雷達熒光屏上的一個光點。所以，只管前行吧。

7. earl bakken

厄爾·巴肯businessman 商人university of hawaii 夏威夷大學may 16, XX

XX年5月16日by all reckoning, the bumblebee is aerodynamically unsound and shouldn't be able to fly. yet, the little bee gets those wings going like a turbo-jet and flies to every plant its chubby little body can land on to collect all the nectar it can lebees are the most persistent creatures. they don't know they can't fly, so they just keep buzzing r give in to pessimism. don't know that you can't fly, and you will soar like an eagle. don't end up regretting what you did not do because you were too lazy or too frightened to soar. be a bumblebee! and soar to the heavens. you can do it。

無論怎麼考量，大黃蜂從空氣動力學上講是不健全、不應該會飛的。但是，這種小蜜蜂卻像渦輪噴氣飛機一樣地展翅飛行，飛到它圓乎乎的身體能夠降落的任何植物上去採蜜。大黃蜂最堅韌的生靈，它們不知道自己不能飛，因此它們只管到處嗡嗡地飛個不停。千萬不要悲觀。不知道你不會飛，你會像鷹一樣高高飛翔。不要到頭來後悔自己因爲太懶或太怕高飛而無所作爲。做一隻大黃蜂。飛到天上去。你能做到的。

8. john walsh

約翰·沃爾什author and art historian 作家和藝術歷史學家wheaton college 惠頓學院XX

XX年do one thing at a time. give each experience all your attention. try to resist being distracted by other sights and sounds, other thoughts and tasks, and when it is, guide your mind back to what you're doing.i'm not warning against learning many things on many subjects. my warning is against distraction, whether you invite it or just let it happen. in baseball, high-percentage hitters know better: it's “focus” they talk about, and they prize it as much as strength. psychologists describe skilled rock climbers and tennis players and pianists as going beyond focus, to what they have called a “flow” experience, a sense of absorption with the rock or the ball or the music in which the “me versus it” disappears and there's a kind of oneness with the task that brings a joyful higher awareness, as well as successful performance. i've had these experiences, too little but not too late, and probably you have, too. they are a supreme kind of pleasure. you will have more of them if you do one thing at a time。

一次做一件事情。全力關注你每一次的經歷。決不要被別的聲色之物和其他想法、任務分心。一旦分心了，引導你的注意力重新回到你做的事情上。我不是在反對學習多個學科的衆多知識。我所警告的是分心與干擾，無論是你主動招惹的，還是讓它發生的。在棒球場上，得分高的擊球員對此有更深體會：他們談的是“專注”，他們把它看得跟力量一樣重要。在心理學家的描述中，高技能的攀巖者、網球運動員、鋼琴家已經超越了專注，達到了他們所稱的經驗之“流”，那是一種跟岩石、網球或音樂融爲一體的感覺，“我與它”已然消失，跟任務合二爲一，給人以更高水平的愉悅體驗，而不僅僅是成功地完成了任務。我有這種體驗，雖然很少，但來得還不算遲，或許你也有這種體驗。這是一種最高形式的快樂。如果你一次專注於一件事情，你就會有更多這樣的體驗。

9. david l. calhoun

大衛·卡爾霍恩businessman 商人virginia tech 弗吉尼亞理工大學may 13, XX

XX年5月13日i worked for a guy named jack welch for twenty years at ge. he was, and is, a great mentor as much as a great leader. if i had to isolate the subject he spoke most passionately to me about, over all those years, it is that self confidence is the most important, the indispensable characteristic of success, the common characteristic shared by great leaders whose talents may have varied widely in most other , how do you get it? what is the secret to developing your own brand of self-confidence?first, you must resolve to grow intellectually, morally, technically, and professionally every day through your entire work and family life. you need to ask yourself every day: am i really up to speed or falling behind? am i still learning? or am i just doing the same stuff on a different day or as otis redding sings, “sitting on the dock of the bay... watching the tide roll away?”the lust for learning is her important way to build your confidence is to seek out the toughest jobs, the most daunting scientific, engineering or management challenges。

我在通用公司爲一個名叫傑克·韋爾奇的傢伙工作了20年。他既是一位偉大的領導者，也是一位偉大的導師，過去是，現在也是。如果我必須找出那些年裏他充滿激情地對我說的最主要的話，那就是：自信是最重要的，它是成功必不可少的，是所有在其他多數方面才能也許大相徑庭的偉大領導者的共同特徵。如何獲得自信?培養你特有的自信的祕訣是什麼?首先，你必須下決心每天都通過你的工作和家庭生活去獲得智力、道德、技術與專業上的提高。你需要每天問自己：我是在加速前進還是在後退?我還在學習嗎?我是在每天重複做同樣的事情或就像奧蒂斯·瑞汀所唱的那樣，“坐在海灣的碼頭上，看潮起潮落”?對學習的渴望是不受年齡限制的。培養自信的另一個重要途徑是尋找最難做的工作，最棘手的科學、工程或管理方面的難題。

10. marc s. lewis

馬克·劉易斯clinical psychology professor 臨牀心理學教授university of texas at austin 得克薩斯大學奧斯汀分校may 19, XX

XX年5月19日there are times when you are going to do well, and times when you're going to fail. but neither the doing well, nor the failure is the measure of success. the measure of success is what you think about what you've done. let me put that another way: the way to be happy is to like yourself and the way to like yourself is to do only things that make you e's that old joke, not very funny, that goes, “no matter where you go, there you are。” that's true. the person who you're with most in life is yourself and if you don't like yourself you're always with somebody you don't like。

有時候你會幹得很漂亮，有時候你會失敗，但二者都不是衡量成功的標準。衡量成功的標準是你自己對你的所爲怎麼看。讓我換一句話說：讓自己幸福的辦法是喜歡你自己，喜歡自己的辦法是隻做讓你自己感到驕傲的事情。有一個老笑話，不是很好笑，它是這麼說的：“無論你走到哪裏，你都在那裏。”這是真的。你一生中跟你在一起最多的人是你自己，如果你不喜歡你自己，那你就會總是跟你不喜歡的人在一起。