2023經典英語演講稿十二篇

2023經典英語演講稿 篇1

Youth

Youth is not a time of life, it is a state of mind ; it is not rosy cheeks , red lips and supple knees, it is a matter of the emotions : it is the freshness ; it is the freshness of the deep springs of life h means a temperamental predominance of courage over timidity of the appetite , for adventure over the love of ease. This often existsin a man of 60 more than a boy of 20 . Nobody grows old merely by a number of years . We grow old by deserting our ideals.

Years wrinkle the skin , but to give up enthusiasm wrinkles the soul y , fear , self –distrust bows the heart and turns the spirit back to dust .

Whether 60 of 16 , there is in every human being ‘s heart the lure of wonders, the unfailing childlike appetite of what’s next and the joy of the game of living . In the center of your heart and my heart there’s a wireless station : so long as it receives messages of beauty , hope ,cheer, courage and power from men and from the infinite, so long as you are young .

When the aerials are down , and your spirit is covered with snows of cynicism and the ice of pessimism, then you are grown old ,even at 20 , but as long as your aerials are up ,to catch waves of optimism , there is hope you may die young at 80.

Thank you!

青春

青春不是指歲月，而是指心態。粉嫩的臉，紅潤的脣，矯健的膝並不是青春。青春表現在意志的堅強與懦弱。想象的豐富與蒼白、情感的充沛與貧乏等方面。青春是生命深處清泉的噴涌。青春是追求。只有當勇氣蓋過怯弱、進取壓倒苟安之時，青春才存在。果如此，則60見之長者比20歲之少年更具青春活力。僅僅歲月的流逝並不能使他們衰老。而一旦拋棄理想和信念，則垂垂老也。

歲月只能使皮膚起皺。而一旦喪失生活的激情，則連靈魂枯老，使人生枯如死水，毫無活力。

60歲長者也好，16歲少年也罷，每個人的內心深處都渴望奇蹟，都如孩子一般眨着期待的雙眼，期待着下一次，期待着生活的情趣，你我靈魂深處都有一座無線電中轉站------只有你我年輕，則總能聽到希望的呼喚，總能發出喜悅的歡呼，總能傳達勇氣的訊號，總能表現出青春的活力………

一旦青春的天線倒下，你的靈魂即爲玩世不恭之雪、悲觀厭世之冰覆蓋;即使你年方20.其實你已垂垂老也。而只要你青春的天線高高聳起，就可以隨時接收到樂觀的電波-----即使你年過八旬，行將就木，而你卻仍然擁有青春，你仍然年輕。

謝謝!

2023經典英語演講稿 篇2

My friends, comrades, and fellow South Africans: I greet you all in the name of peace, democracy, and freedom for all. I stand here before you not as a prophet but as a humble servant of you, the people. Your tireless and heroic sacrifices have made it possible for me to be here today. I therefore have placed the remaining years of my life in your , I extend my sincere and warmest gratitude to the millions of my compatriots and those in every corner of the globe who have campaigned tirelessly for my release. I extend special greetings to the people of Cape Town the city through which — which has been my home for three decades.

I salute the rank?and?file members of the ANC: You have sacrificed life and limb in the pursuit of the noble cause of our , like Solomon Mahlangu and Ashley Kriel, who have paid the ultimate price for the freedom of all South Africans. I salute the South African Communist Party for its sterling contribution to the struggle for democracy. You have survived 40 years of unrelenting persecution.

The memory of great communists like Moses Kotane, Yusuf Dadoo, Bram Fischer, and Moses Mabhida will be cherished for generations to come. I salute General Secretary Joe Slovo, one of our finest patriots. We are heartened by the fact that the alliance between ourselves and the Party remains as strong as it — it always , the National Education Crisis Committee, the South African Youth Congress, the Transvaal and Natal Indian Congresses, and COSATU and the many other formations of the Mass Democratic Movement. I also salute the Black Sash and the National Union of South African Students.

We note with pride that you have looked — that you have acted as the conscience of white South Africa. Even during the darkest days in the history of our struggle you held the flag of liberty high. The large?scale mass mobilization of the past few years is one of the key factors which led to the opening of the final chapter of our — Your organized strength is the pride of our movement. You remain the most dependable force in the struggle to end exploitation and oppression.

I greet the traditional leaders of our country — many among you continue to walk in the footsteps of great heroes like Hintsa and , you, the young lions. You, the young lions, have energized our entire struggle. I pay tribute to the mothers and wives and sisters of our nation. Without your support our struggle would not have reached this advanced stage. The sacrifice of the frontline states will be remembered by South Africans , black and white, recognize that apartheid has no future. It has to be ended by our own decisive mass action in order to build peace and security.

The mass campaigns of defiance and other actions of our organizations and people can onlyculminate in the establishment of continent is in calculable. The fabric of family life of millions of my people has been shattered. Millions are homeless and unemployed. Our economy — Our economy lies in ruins and our people are embroiled in political strife. Our resort to the armed struggle in 1960 with the formation of the military wing of the ANC, Umkhonto we Sizwe, was a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid. The factors which necessitated the armed struggle still exist today. We have no option but to continue. We express the hope that a climate conducive to a negotiated settlement will be created soon so that there may no longer be the need for the armed , strategies, and , I feel duty?bound to make the point that a leader of the movement is a person who has been democratically elected at a national conference.

This is a principle which must be upheld without any , I wish to report to you that my talks with the government have been aimed at normalizing the political situation in the country. We have not as yet begun discussing the basic demands of the struggle. I wish to stress that I myself have at no time entered into negotiations about the future of our country except to insist on a meeting between the ANC and the has gone further than any other Nationalist President in taking real steps to normalize the situation. However, there are further steps, as outlined in the Harare Declaration, that have to be met before negotiations on the basic demands of our people can begin.

Negotiations cannot take place — Negotiations cannot take place above the heads or behind the backs of our people. It is our belief that the future of our country can only be determined by a body which is democratically elected on a non?racial basis. Negotiations on the dismantling of apartheid will have to address the overwhelming demands of our people for a democratic, non?racial and unitary South Africa. And this reality is that we are still suffering under the policies of the Nationalist , so that the process towards democracy is rapid and uninterrupted. We have waited too long for our freedom. We can no longer wait.

Now is the time to intensify the struggle on all fronts. To relax our efforts now would be a mistake which generations to come will not be able to role in a united democratic and non?racial South Africa is the only way to peace and racial harmony. In conclusion, I wish to quote my own words during my trial in 1964. They are as true today as they were then. I spoke: I have fought against white domination and I have fought against black domination. I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and — and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal which I hope to live for and to achieve. But if needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.

2023經典英語演講稿 篇3

Harry S. Truman: "The Truman Doctrine"

Mr. President, Mr. Speaker, Members of the Congress of the United States:

The gravity of the situation which confronts the world today necessitates my appearance before a joint session of the Congress. The foreign policy and the national security of this country are involved. One aspect of the present situation, which I present to you at this time for your consideration and decision, concerns Greece and Turkey. The United States has received from the Greek Government an urgent appeal for financial and economic assistance. Preliminary reports from the American Economic Mission now in Greece and reports from the American Ambassador in Greece corroborate the statement of the Greek Government that assistance is imperative if Greece is to survive as a free nation.

I do not believe that the American people and the Congress wish to turn a deaf ear to the appeal of the Greek Government. Greece is not a rich country. Lack of sufficient natural resources has always forced the Greek people to work hard to make both ends meet. Since 1940, this industrious, peace loving country has suffered invasion, four years of cruel enemy occupation, and bitter internal strife.

When forces of liberation entered Greece they found that the retreating Germans had destroyed virtually all the railways, roads, port facilities, communications, and merchant marine. More than a thousand villages had been burned. Eighty-five per cent of the children were tubercular. Livestock, poultry, and draft animals had almost disappeared. Inflation had wiped out practically all savings. As a result of these tragic conditions, a militant minority, exploiting human want and misery, was able to create political chaos which, until now, has made economic recovery impossible.

Greece is today without funds to finance the importation of those goods which are essential to bare subsistence. Under these circumstances, the people of Greece cannot make progress in solving their problems of reconstruction. Greece is in desperate need of financial and economic assistance to enable it to resume purchases of food, clothing, fuel, and seeds. These are indispensable for the subsistence of its people and are obtainable only from abroad. Greece must have help to import the goods necessary to restore internal order and security, so essential for economic and political recovery. The Greek Government has also asked for the assistance of experienced American administrators, economists, and technicians to insure that the financial and other aid given to Greece shall be used effectively in creating a stable and self-sustaining economy and in improving its public administration.

The very existence of the Greek state is today threatened by the terrorist activities of several thousand armed men, led by Communists, who defy the government's authority at a number of points, particularly along the northern boundaries. A Commission appointed by the United Nations security Council is at present investigating disturbed conditions in northern Greece and alleged border violations along the frontiers between Greece on the one hand and Albania, Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia on the other.

Meanwhile, the Greek Government is unable to cope with the situation. The Greek army is small and poorly equipped. It needs supplies and equipment if it is to restore authority of the government throughout Greek territory. Greece must have assistance if it is to become a self-supporting and self-respecting democracy. The United States must supply this assistance. We have already extended to Greece certain types of relief and economic aid. But these are inadequate. There is no other country to which democratic Greece can turn. No other nation is willing and able to provide the necessary support for a democratic Greek government.

The British Government, which has been helping Greece, can give no further financial or economic aid after March 31st. Great Britain finds itself under the necessity of reducing or liquidating its commitments in several parts of the world, including Greece.

We have considered how the United Nations might assist in this crisis. But the situation is an urgent one, requiring immediate action, and the United Nations and its related organizations are not in a position to extend help of the kind that is required.

It is important to note that the Greek Government has asked for our aid in utilizing effectively the financial and other assistance we may give to Greece, and in improving its public administration. It is of the utmost importance that we supervise the use of any funds made available to Greece in such a manner that each dollar spent will count toward making Greece self-supporting, and will help to build an economy in which a healthy democracy can flourish.

No government is perfect. One of the chief virtues of a democracy, however, is that its defects are always visible and under democratic processes can be pointed out and corrected. The Government of Greece is not perfect. Nevertheless it represents eighty-five per cent of the members of the Greek Parliament who were chosen in an election last year. Foreign observers, including 692 Americans, considered this election to be a fair expression of the views of the Greek people.

The Greek Government has been operating in an atmosphere of chaos and extremism. It has made mistakes. The extension of aid by this country does not mean that the United States condones everything that the Greek Government has done or will do. We have condemned in the past, and we condemn now, extremist measures of the right or the left. We have in the past advised tolerance, and we advise tolerance now.

Greek's neighbor, Turkey, also deserves our attention. The future of Turkey, as an independent and economically sound state, is clearly no less important to the freedom-loving peoples of the world than the future of Greece. The circumstances in which Turkey finds itself today are considerably different from those of Greece. Turkey has been spared the disasters that have beset Greece. And during the war, the United States and Great Britain furnished Turkey with material aid.

Nevertheless, Turkey now needs our support. Since the war, Turkey has sought financial assistance from Great Britain and the United States for the purpose of effecting that modernization necessary for the maintenance of its national integrity. That integrity is essential to the preservation of order in the Middle East. The British government has informed us that, owing to its own difficulties, it can no longer extend financial or economic aid to Turkey. As in the case of Greece, if Turkey is to have the assistance it needs, the United States must supply it. We are the only country able to provide that help.

I am fully aware of the broad implications involved if the United States extends assistance to Greece and Turkey, and I shall discuss these implications with you at this time. One of the primary objectives of the foreign policy of the United States is the creation of conditions in which we and other nations will be able to work out a way of life free from coercion. This was a fundamental issue in the war with Germany and Japan. Our victory was won over countries which sought to impose their will, and their way of life, upon other nations.

To ensure the peaceful development of nations, free from coercion, the United States has taken a leading part in establishing the United Nations. The United Nations is designed to make possible lasting freedom and independence for all its members. We shall not realize our objectives, however, unless we are willing to help free peoples to maintain their free institutions and their national integrity against aggressive movements that seek to impose upon them totalitarian regimes. This is no more than a frank recognition that totalitarian regimes imposed upon free peoples, by direct or indirect aggression, undermine the foundations of international peace, and hence the security of the United States.

The peoples of a number of countries of the world have recently had totalitarian regimes forced upon them against their will. The Government of the United States has made frequent protests against coercion and intimidation in violation of the Yalta agreement in Poland, Rumania, and Bulgaria. I must also state that in a number of other countries there have been similar developments.

At the present moment in world history nearly every nation must choose between alternative ways of life. The choice is too often not a free one. One way of life is based upon the will of the majority, and is distinguished by free institutions, representative government, free elections, guarantees of individual liberty, freedom of speech and religion, and freedom from political oppression. The second way of life is based upon the will of a minority forcibly imposed upon the majority. It relies upon terror and oppression, a controlled press and radio, fixed elections, and the suppression of personal freedoms.

I believe that it must be the policy of the United States to support free peoples who are resisting attempted subjugation by armed minorities or by outside pressures.

I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.

I believe that our help should be primarily through economic and financial aid which is essential to economic stability and orderly political processes.

The world is not static, and the status quo is not sacred. But we cannot allow changes in the status quo in violation of the Charter of the United Nations by such methods as coercion, or by such subterfuges as political infiltration. In helping free and independent nations to maintain their freedom, the United States will be giving effect to the principles of the Charter of the United Nations.

It is necessary only to glance at a map to realize that the survival and integrity of the Greek nation are of grave importance in a much wider situation. If Greece should fall under the control of an armed minority, the effect upon its neighbor, Turkey, would be immediate and serious. Confusion and disorder might well spread throughout the entire Middle East. Moreover, the disappearance of Greece as an independent state would have a profound effect upon those countries in Europe whose peoples are struggling against great difficulties to maintain their freedoms and their independence while they repair the damages of war.

It would be an unspeakable tragedy if these countries, which have struggled so long against overwhelming odds, should lose that victory for which they sacrificed so much. Collapse of free institutions and loss of independence would be disastrous not only for them but for the world. Discouragement and possibly failure would quickly be the lot of neighboring peoples striving to maintain their freedom and independence.

Should we fail to aid Greece and Turkey in this fateful hour, the effect will be far reaching to the West as well as to the East.

We must take immediate and resolute action. I therefore ask the Congress to provide authority for assistance to Greece and Turkey in the amount of $400,000,000 for the period ending June 30, 1948. In requesting these funds, I have taken into consideration the maximum amount of relief assistance which would be furnished to Greece out of the $350,000,000 which I recently requested that the Congress authorize for the prevention of starvation and suffering in countries devastated by the war.

In addition to funds, I ask the Congress to authorize the detail of American civilian and military personnel to Greece and Turkey, at the request of those countries, to assist in the tasks of reconstruction, and for the purpose of supervising the use of such financial and material assistance as may be furnished. I recommend that authority also be provided for the instruction and training of selected Greek and Turkish personnel. Finally, I ask that the Congress provide authority which will permit the speediest and most effective use, in terms of needed commodities, supplies, and equipment, of such funds as may be authorized. If further funds, or further authority, should be needed for purposes indicated in this message, I shall not hesitate to bring the situation before the Congress. On this subject the Executive and Legislative branches of the Government must work together.

This is a serious course upon which we embark. I would not recommend it except that the alternative is much more serious. The United States contributed $341,000,000,000 toward winning World War II. This is an investment in world freedom and world peace. The assistance that I am recommending for Greece and Turkey amounts to little more than 1 tenth of 1 per cent of this investment. It is only common sense that we should safeguard this investment and make sure that it was not in vain. The seeds of totalitarian regimes are nurtured by misery and want. They spread and grow in the evil soil of poverty and strife. They reach their full growth when the hope of a people for a better life has died.

We must keep that hope alive.

The free peoples of the world look to us for support in maintaining their freedoms. If we falter in our leadership, we may endanger the peace of the world. And we shall surely endanger the welfare of this nation.

Great responsibilities have been placed upon us by the swift movement of events.

I am confident that the Congress will face these responsibilities squarely.

2023經典英語演講稿 篇4

well, welcome to the white house,everybody. and that was one of the best introductions i’ve ever had. (applause.) so we’re so proud of kiara for the introduction and for sharing yourstory, and you’re just so poised. and iknow geoff canada is just out there all excited -- (laughter) -- and proud, andi know your mom is proud. i know she is. she should be.

kiara and the rest of these youngpeople grew up in a 97-square-block section of harlem. it’s a place where the odds used to bestacked against them every single day, even just graduating from high schoolwas a challenge. but with the help ofsome very dedicated adults and a program called the harlem children’s zone,they’re right on track to go to college. together, students, teachers, administrators, parents, community, they’rechanging the odds in this neighborhood. and that’s what we’re here to talk about today -– changing the odds forevery american child so that no matter who they are, no matter where they areborn, they have a chance to succeed in today’s economy.

now, the good news is that,thanks to the hard work and sacrifice of the american people all across thecountry over the last five years, our economy has grown stronger. our businesses have now created more than 8million new jobs since the depths of the recession. our manufacturing, our housing sectors arerebounding. our energy and technologyand auto industries are booming. we’vegot to keep our economy growing. we’vegot to make sure that everybody is sharing in that growth. we’ve got to keep creating jobs, and then we’vegot to make sure that wages and benefits are such that families can rebuild alittle bit of security. we’ve got tomake sure this recovery, which is real, leaves nobody behind. and that’s going to be my focus throughoutthe year.

this is going to be a year ofaction. that’s what the american peopleexpect, and they’re ready and willing to pitch in and help. this is not just a job for government; thisis a job for everybody.

working people are looking forthe kind of stable, secure jobs that too often went overseas in the past coupleof decades. so next week, i’ll join companies and colleges and take action toboost high-tech manufacturing -- the kind that attracts good new jobs and helpsgrow a middle class. business owners areready to play their part to hire more workers. so this month, i’m going to host ceos here at the white house not once,but twice: first to lay out specificsteps we can take to help more workers earn the skills that they need for today’snew jobs; second, they’re going to announce commitments that we’re making toput more of the long-term unemployed back to work.

and on january 28th, in my stateof the union address -- which i want all the legislators here to know i’m goingto try to keep a little shorter than usual -- (laughter) -- they’re cheeringsilently -- (laughter) -- i will mobilize the country around the nationalmission of making sure our economy offers every american who works hard a fairshot at success. anybody in this countrywho works hard should have a fair shot at success, period. it doesn’t matter where they come from, whatregion of the country, what they look like, what their last name is -- theyshould be able to succeed.

and obviously we’re coming off ofa rancorous political year, but i genuinely believe that this is not a partisanissue. because when you talk to the american people, you know that there arepeople working in soup kitchens, and people who are mentoring, and people whoare starting small businesses and hiring their neighbors, and very rarely arethey checking are they democrat or republican. there’s a sense of neighborliness that’s inherent in the american people-- we just have to tap into that.

and i’ve been very happy to seethat there are republicans like rand paul, who’s here today, who are ready toengage in this debate. that’s a goodthing. we’ve got democratic andrepublican elected officials across the country who are ready to roll up theirsleeves and get to work. and this shouldbe a challenge that unites us all.

i don’t care whether the ideasare democrat or republican. i do carethat they work. i do care that they aresubject to evaluation, and we can see if we are using tax dollars in a certainway, if we’re starting a certain program, i want to make sure that young peoplelike kiara are actually benefiting from them.

now, it’s one thing to say weshould help more americans get ahead, but talk is cheap. we’ve got to actually make sure that we doit. and i will work with anybody who’swilling to lay out some concrete ideas to create jobs, help more middle-classfamilies find security in today’s economy, and offer new ladders of opportunityfor folks to climb into the middle class.

and, personally, i hope we startby listening to the majority of the american people and restoring theunemployment insurance for americans who need a little help supporting theirfamilies while they look for a new job. and i’m glad the republicans and democrats in the senate are workingtogether to extend that lifeline. i hopetheir colleagues in the house will join them to set this right.

today i want to talk aboutsomething very particular, a specific example of how we can make adifference. we are here with leaders whoare determined to change the odds in their communities the way these kids andtheir parents and dedicated citizens have changed the odds in harlem. it’s now been 50 years since presidentjohnson declared an unconditional war on poverty in america. and that groundbreaking effort created newavenues of opportunity for generations of americans. it strengthened our safety net for workingfamilies and seniors, americans with disabilities and the poor, so that when wefall -- and you never know what life brings you -- we can bounce backfaster. it made us a better country anda stronger country.

in a speech 50 years ago,president johnson talked about communities “on the outskirts ofhope where opportunitywas hard to come by.” well, today’seconomic challenges are differentbut they’ve still resulted in communitieswhere in recent decades wrenching economic changehas made opportunity harderand harder to come by. there arecommunities where for toomany young people it feels like their future onlyextends to the next street corner or theoutskirts of town, too manycommunities where no matter how hard you work, your destinyfeels like it’salready been determined for you before you took that first step.

i’m not just talking aboutpockets of poverty in our inner cities. that’s the stereotype.i’mtalking about suburban neighborhoods that have been hammered by the housingcrisis. i’mtalking about manufacturingtowns that still haven’t recovered after the local plant shut downand jobsdried up. there are islands of ruralamerica where jobs are scarce -- they were scarceeven before the recession hit-- so that young people feel like if they want to actually succeed,they’ve gotto leave town, they’ve got to leave their communities.

and i’ve seen this personallyeven before i got into politics. infact, this is what drove meinto politics. i was just two years out of college when i first moved to the south sideof chicago.i was hired by a group ofchurches to help organize a community that had been devastatedwhen the localsteel plants closed their doors. and i’dwalk through neighborhoods filled up withboarded-up houses and crumblingschools, and single parents and dads who had nothing to dowith their kids, andkids who were hanging out on the street corners without any hope orprospectsfor the future.

but these churches cametogether. and then they started workingwith other non-profits andlocal businesses. and the government -- local, state and federal -- participated. and we startedgetting some things done thatgave people hope. and that experiencetaught me thatgovernment does not have all the answers -- no amount of moneycan take the place of a lovingparent in a child’s life. but i did learn that when communities andgovernments and businessesand not-for-profits work together, we can make adifference. kiara is proof -- all theseyoungpeople are proof we can make a difference.

for the last 17 years, the harlemchildren’s zone -- the brainchild of geoffrey canada, who’shere today -- hasproven we can make a difference. and itoperated on a basic premise that eachchild will do better if all the childrenaround them are doing better. so in harlem,staff membersgo door to door and they recruit soon-to-be parents for “babycollege,” preparing them forthose crucial first few months of life; makingsure that they understand how to talk to theirchild and read to their child,and sometimes working with parents to teach them how to read sothey can readto their child and give them the healthy start that they need.

and then, early childhoodeducation to get kids learning at four years old. and then acharter school that help studentssucceed all the way through high school. and medical careand healthy foods that are available close tohome. and exercise. i was very pleased to hearthat -- michellewas very pleased to hear that -- (laughter) -- that they’ve got a strong physedprogram. and then students gettinghelp finding internships and applying to college, and anoutstanding, dedicatedstaff that tries to make sure that nobody slips through the cracks orfallsbehind.

and this is an incredibleachievement, and the results have been tremendous. today,preschool students in the harlemchildren’s zone are better prepared for kindergarten. lastyear, a study found that students whowin a spot in one of the charter schools score higher onstandardized teststhan those who don’t. in a neighborhood where higher education was oncejustsomething that other people did, you’ve got hundreds of kids who’ve now gone tocollege.

and harlem is not the onlycommunity that’s found success taking on these challengestogether. in cincinnati, a focus on education hashelped to make sure more kids are ready forkindergarten. in nashville, they’ve redesigned high schoolsand boosted graduation rates byalmost 20 percent over the past 12 years. in milwaukee, they’ve cut teen pregnancy inhalf.

every community is different,with different needs and different approaches. butcommunities that are making the most progress on these issues havesome things in don’t lookfor a single silver bullet; instead they bring together local governmentandnonprofits and businesses and teachers and parents around a shared goal. that’s whatgeoffrey did when he started theharlem children’s zone. government wasinvolved -- so don’tbe confused here, it has an important role to play. and already there are governmentresourcesgoing into these communities. but it’simportant that our faith institutions and ourbusinesses and the parents andthe communities themselves are involved in designing andthinking through howdo we move forward.

and the second thing is they’reholding themselves accountable by delivering measurableresults. we don’t fund things, we don’t start projectsjust for the sake of starting ’vegot to work. if they don’t work weshould try something else. and sometimesthose of uswho care deeply about advancing opportunity aren’t willing tosubject some of theseprograms to that test: do they work?

in my state of the union addresslast year, i announced our commitment to identifymore communities like these-- urban, rural, tribal -- where dedicated citizens aredetermined to make adifference and turn things around. andwe challenged them. we said ifyou candemonstrate the ability and the will to launch an all-encompassing,all-hands-on-deckapproach to reducing poverty and expanding opportunity, we’llhelp you get the resourcesto do it. we’lltake resources from some of the programs that we’re already doingandconcentrate them. we’ll make sure thatour agencies are working together more ’ll put in talent to help you plan. but we’re also going to hold you accountableand measureyour progress.

2023經典英語演講稿 篇5

Good morning,ladies and gentlemen,today i am so happy to stand here to give you a rather, a real story of mine.

Though with time going by,i can still remember what you once told should be a brave ing,you looked into my in,year out,nearly most of my memories are fading little by only this simple sentence remained,without being forgotten in my life.

Again and again,i can not stop myself from thinking about ordinary,but so impressive,so moving,just like the brightest sunshine,it helps me go through the darkest night.I am such a sensitive girl in your said,my sorroful facial expression made feel so ver,there is one thing i never tell you,that is ,i am becoming a big girl gradually with your words and smiles.I never tell you about it,for i believe oneday,you can see the great changes of mine for is what i want to do in i know,that will be the best gift for you.

I suddenly think of a song named MY HEART WILL GO e is a beautiful sentence going like are safe in my than once,i was moved to tears by it.I know ,i am also safe in your heart.i have already forgotten when i told you i was going to leave for Australia this summer just smiled as usual,gently ever you decide to do,i will be in favor of it,but, just onething,remember,when you fell lonely abroad,do not forget we are here ,praying for are all around you,far across the distance and space between us.i closed my eyes,the flashback memories we had together,once we played games on the palyground,we played jokes on each other,you always wrote a lot of sentences on my articles to encourage the most unforgetable thing,you told me,you believed m i could be a big er or later.

At that specific moment,i suddenly understood the meaning of this sentence on that day,i smiled as you used to,looking at last words i said were,keep walking in sunshine.

Yes,keep walking in sunshine.I said to you ,also to myself.I know i am not alone wiht your company,and we can keep walking in sunshine till the last minute of our days.

I promise,i will be a big girl.

2023經典英語演講稿 篇6

Hello, everybody! Thank you. Thank you. Thank you, everybody. All right, everybody go ahead and have a seat. How is everybody doing today? (Applause.) How about Tim Spicer? (Applause.) I am here with students at Wakefield High School in Arlington, Virginia. And we’ve got students tuning in from all across America, from kindergarten through 12th grade. And I am just so glad that all could join us today. And I want to thank Wakefield for being such an outstanding host. Give yourselves a big round of applause. (Applause.)I know that for many of you, today is the first day of school. And for those of you in kindergarten, or starting middle or high school, it’s your first day in a new school, so it’s understandable if you’re a little nervous. I imagine there are some seniors out there who are feeling pretty good right now -- (applause) -- with just one more year to go. And no matter what grade you’re in, some of you are probably wishing it were still summer and you could’ve stayed in bed just a little bit longer this morning.I know that feeling. When I was young, my family lived overseas. I lived in Indonesia for a few years. And my mother, she didn’t have the money to send me where all the American kids went to school, but she thought it was important for me to keep up with an American education. So she decided to teach me extra lessons herself, Monday through Friday. But because she had to go to work, the only time she could do it was at 4:30 in the , as you might imagine, I wasn’t too happy about getting up that early. And a lot of times, I’d fall asleep right there at the kitchen table. But whenever I’d complain, my mother would just give me one of those looks and she’d say, “This is no picnic for me either, buster.” (Laughter.)So I know that some of you are still adjusting to being back at school. But I’m here today because I have something important to discuss with you. I’m here because I want to talk with you about your education and what’s expected of all of you in this new school at the end of the day, we can have the most dedicated teachers, the most supportive parents, the best schools in the world -- and none of it will make a difference, none of it will matter unless all of you fulfill your responsibilities, unless you show up to those schools, unless you pay attention to those teachers, unless you listen to your parents and grandparents and other adults and put in the hard work it takes to succeed. That’s what I want to focus on today: the responsibility each of you has for your education.I want to start with the responsibility you have to yourself. Every single one of you has something that you’re good at. Every single one of you has something to offer. And you have a responsibility to yourself to discover what that is. That’s the opportunity an education can provide.

2023經典英語演講稿 篇7

我最近讀了一本書，名叫《寶葫蘆的祕密》，這本書的主人公名叫王葆，和我一樣，他也是一名小學生，他天真爛漫，喜歡幻想，愛出風頭，又知錯能改，正直。他想擁有一個寶葫蘆，幫他做各種各樣的事情，沒想到有一天夢想成真了——在他釣魚的時候，一次偶然的機會，使他得到了寶葫蘆。

這個寶葫蘆能幫王葆完成任何事情，例如：變好吃的，幫他完成手工，幫他變出滿屋子的'花草，甚至是在考試的時候幫他調換試卷……雖然寶葫蘆給了他一種“特殊的幸福”，但是麻煩卻接二連三地找上門來，使得他在親人、朋友面前出醜、尷尬，最後他知道那些東西都是別人的，這使他非常氣憤，想扔掉寶葫蘆，可是卻怎麼也擺脫不了寶葫蘆。最後還好王葆只是做了一場夢，在這場夢之後，他受到了極大的教育。

通過讀這本書，我覺得無論做什麼事情，也一定不要抱有不勞而獲的心思，如果有不勞而獲的心思，終將會讓人變得懶惰、遲鈍。以後在我們做事情的時候，一定要積極動腦、動手，勤學好問，做一個聰明而勤奮的人。

2023經典英語演講稿 篇8

Honourablejudges,ladiesandgentlemen,

Goodafternoon!weencounterdifficultiesinlife,rtunately,however,thisattitudewilldoyounogood,becauseifyouwillhavenocourageeventofacethem,howcanyouconquerthem?Thus,beoptimistic,ladiesandgentlemen,asitcangiveyouconfidenceandhelpyouseeyourselfthroughthehardtimes,justasWinstonChurchilloncesaid,“Anoptimistseesanopportunityineverycalamity;apessimistseesacalamityineveryopportunity.”

LadiesandGentlemen,keepingoptimistic,youwillbeabletorealize,inspiteofsomehardship,there’salwayshopewaitingforyou,oricallyaswellascurrently,ee,ThomasEdisonisoptimistic;ifnot,edNobelisoptimistic;ifnot,anceArmstrongisalsooptimistic;ifnot,thedevilofcancerwouldhavedevouredhislifeandtheworldwouldnotseea5-timewinneroftheTourDeFrance.

Arosemaybebeautiful,ormaybenot;thatdependsonyourattitudeonly,andsodoessuccess,rancesanddifficultiesdoexist,butifyouareoptimistic,thentheyareonlyepisodesonyourlongwaytothethroneofsuccess;theyaremorebridgesthanobstacles!NowIprefertoendmyspeechwiththegreatBritishpoetShelley’slines:“Ifwintercomes,canspringbefarbehind?”Thankyou!

2023經典英語演講稿 篇9

keep your direction

what would you do if you failed? many people may choose to give up. however, the surest way to success is to keep your direction and stick to your goal.

on your way to success, you must keep your direction. it is just like a lamp, guiding you in darkness and helping you overcome obstacles on your way. otherwise, you will easily get lost or hesitate to go ahead.

direction means objectives. you can get nowhere without an objective in life.

you can try to write your objective on paper and make some plans to achieve it. in this way, you will know how to arrange your time and to spend your time properly. and you should also have a belief that you are sure to succeed as long as you keep your direction all the time.

2023經典英語演講稿 篇10

President pitzer Mr. Vice President, Governor, Congressman Thomas, Senator Wiley, and Congressman Miller, Mr. Webb, Mr. Bell, scientists, distinguished guests, and ladies and gentlemen:

I appreciate your president having made me an honorary visiting professor, and I will assure you that my first lecture will be very brief.

I am delighted to be here and I'm particularly delighted to be here on this occasion.

We meet at a college noted for knowledge, in a city noted for progress, in a state noted for strength, and we stand in need of all three, for we meet in an hour of change and challenge, in a decade of hope and fear, in an age of both knowledge and ignorance. The greater our knowledge increases, the greater our ignorance unfolds.

Despite the striking fact that most of the scientists that the world has ever known are alive and working today, despite the fact that this Nation's own scientific manpower is doubling every 12 years in a rate of growth more than three times that of our population as a whole, despite that, the vast stretches of the unknown and the unanswered and the unfinished still far outstrip our collective comprehension.

No man can fully grasp how far and how fast we have come, but condense, if you will, the 50,000 years of man's recorded history in a time span of but a half-century. Stated in these terms, we know very little about the first 40 years, except at the end of them advanced man had learned to use the skins of animals to cover them. Then about 10 years ago, under this standard, man emerged from his caves to construct other kinds of shelter. Only five years ago man learned to write and use a cart with wheels. Christianity began less than two years ago. The printing press came this year, and then less than two months ago, during this whole 50-year span of human history, the steam engine provided a new source of power. Newton explored the meaning of gravity. Last month electric lights and telephones and automobiles and airplanes became available. Only last week did we develop penicillin and television and nuclear power, and now if America's new spacecraft succeeds in reaching Venus, we will have literally reached the stars before midnight tonight.

This is a breathtaking pace, and such a pace cannot help but create new ills as it dispels old, new ignorance, new problems, new dangers. Surely the opening vistas of space promise high costs and hardships, as well as high reward.

So it is not surprising that some would have us stay where we are a little longer to rest, to wait. But this city of Houston, this state of Texas, this country of the United States was not built by those who waited and rested and wished to look behind them. This country was conquered by those who moved forward--and so will space.

William Bradford, speaking in 1630 of the founding of the Plymouth Bay Colony, said that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and both must be enterprised and overcome with answerable courage.

If this capsule history of our progress teaches us anything, it is that man, in his quest for knowledge and progress, is determined and cannot be deterred. The exploration of space will go ahead, whether we join in it or not, and it is one of the great adventures of all time, and no nation which expects to be the leader of other nations can expect to stay behind in this race for space.

Those who came before us made certain that this country rode the first waves of the industrial revolution, the first waves of modern invention, and the first wave of nuclear power, and this generation does not intend to founder in the backwash of the coming age of space. We mean to be a part of it--we mean to lead it. For the eyes of the world now look into space, to the moon and to the planets beyond, and we have vowed that we shall not see it governed by a hostile flag of conquest, but by a banner of freedom and peace. We have vowed that we shall not see space filled with weapons of mass destruction, but with instruments of knowledge and understanding.

Yet the vows of this Nation can only be fulfilled if we in this Nation are first, and, therefore, we intend to be first. In short, our leadership in science and industry, our hopes for peace and security, our obligations to ourselves as well as others, all require us to make this effort, to solve these mysteries, to solve them for the good of all men, and to become the world's leading space-faring nation.

We set sail on this new sea because there is new knowledge to be gained, and new rights to be won, and they must be won and used for the progress of all people. For space science, like nuclear science and all technology, has no conscience of its own. Whether it will become a force for good or ill depends on man, and only if the United States occupies a position of pre-eminence can we help decide whether this new ocean will be a sea of peace or a new terrifying theater of war. I do not say that we should or will go unprotected against the hostile misuse of space any more than we go unprotected against the hostile use of land or sea, but I do say that space can be explored and mastered without feeding the fires of war, without repeating the mistakes that man has made in extending his writ around this globe of ours.

There is no strife, no prejudice, no national conflict in outer space as yet. Its hazards are hostile to us all. Its conquest deserves the best of all mankind, and its opportunity for peaceful cooperation many never come again. But why, some say, the moon? Why choose this as our goal? And they may well ask why climb the highest mountain? Why, 35 years ago, fly the Atlantic? Why does Rice play Texas?

We choose to go to the moon. We choose to go to the moon in this decade and do the other things, not because they are easy, but because they are hard, because that goal will serve to organize and measure the best of our energies and skills, because that challenge is one that we are willing to accept, one we are unwilling to postpone, and one which we intend to win, and the others, too.

It is for these reasons that I regard the decision last year to shift our efforts in space from low to high gear as among the most important decisions that will be made during my incumbency in the office of the Presidency.

In the last 24 hours we have seen facilities now being created for the greatest and most complex exploration in man's history. We have felt the ground shake and the air shattered by the testing of a Saturn C-1 booster rocket, many times as powerful as the Atlas which launched John Glenn, generating power equivalent to 10,000 automobiles with their accelerators on the floor. We have seen the site where five F-1 rocket engines, each one as powerful as all eight engines of the Saturn combined, will be clustered together to make the advanced Saturn missile, assembled in a new building to be built at Cape Canaveral as tall as a 48 story structure, as wide as a city block, and as long as two lengths of this field.

Within these last 19 months at least 45 satellites have circled the earth. Some 40 of them were made in the United States of America and they were far more sophisticated and supplied far more knowledge to the people of the world than those of the Soviet Union.

The Mariner spacecraft now on its way to Venus is the most intricate instrument in the history of space science. The accuracy of that shot is comparable to firing a missile from Cape Canaveral and dropping it in this stadium between the 40-yard lines.

Transit satellites are helping our ships at sea to steer a safer course. Tiros satellites have given us unprecedented warnings of hurricanes and storms, and will do the same for forest fires and icebergs.

We have had our failures, but so have others, even if they do not admit them. And they may be less public.

To be sure, we are behind, and will be behind for some time in manned flight. But we do not intend to stay behind, and in this decade, we shall make up and move ahead.

The growth of our science and education will be enriched by new knowledge of our universe and environment, by new techniques of learning and mapping and observation, by new tools and computers for industry, medicine, the home as well as the school. Technical institutions, such as Rice, will reap the harvest of these gains.

And finally, the space effort itself, while still in its infancy, has already created a great number of new companies, and tens of thousands of new jobs. Space and related industries are generating new demands in investment and skilled personnel, and this city and this state, and this region, will share greatly in this growth. What was once the furthest outpost on the old frontier of the West will be the furthest outpost on the new frontier of science and space. Houston, your city of Houston, with its Manned Spacecraft Center, will become the heart of a large scientific and engineering community. During the next 5 years the National Aeronautics and Space Administration expects to double the number of scientists and engineers in this area, to increase its outlays for salaries and expenses to $60 million a year; to invest some $200 million in plant and laboratory facilities; and to direct or contract for new space efforts over $1 billion from this center in this city.

To be sure, all this costs us all a good deal of money. This year's space budget is three times what it was in January 1961, and it is greater than the space budget of the previous eight years combined. That budget now stands at $5,400 million a year--a staggering sum, though somewhat less than we pay for cigarettes and cigars every year. Space expenditures will soon rise some more, from 40 cents per person per week to more than 50 cents a week for every man, woman and child in the United States, for we have given this program a high national priority--even though I realize that this is in some measure an act of faith and vision, for we do not now know what benefits await us. But if I were to say, my fellow citizens, that we shall send to the moon, 240,000 miles away from the control station in Houston, a giant rocket more than 300 feet tall, the length of this football field, made of new metal alloys, some of which have not yet been invented, capable of standing heat and stresses several times more than have ever been experienced, fitted together with a precision better than the finest watch, carrying all the equipment needed for propulsion, guidance, control, communications, food and survival, on an untried mission, to an unknown celestial body, and then return it safely to earth, re-entering the atmosphere at speeds of over 25,000 miles per hour, causing heat about half that of the temperature of the sun--almost as hot as it is here today--and do all this, and do it right, and do it first before this decade is out--then we must be bold.

I'm the one who is doing all the work, so we just want you to stay cool for a minute.

However, I think we're going to do it, and I think that we must pay what needs to be paid. I don't think we ought to waste any money, but I think we ought to do the job. And this will be done in the decade of the Sixties. It may be done while some of you are still here at school at this college and university. It will be done during the terms of office of some of the people who sit here on this platform. But it will be done. And it will be done before the end of this decade.

And I am delighted that this university is playing a part in putting a man on the moon as part of a great national effort of the United States of America.

Many years ago the great British explorer George Mallory, who was to die on Mount Everest, was asked why did he want to climb it. He said, "Because it is there."

Well, space is there, and we're going to climb it, and the moon and the planets are there, and new hopes for knowledge and peace are there. And, therefore, as we set sail we ask God's blessing on the most hazardous and dangerous and greatest adventure on which man has ever embarked.

Thank you.

2023經典英語演講稿 篇11

One of the legacies of receiving a world-class education is the sobering awareness of the inadequacy of our knowledge. Some years ago, one of the people I admire and respect most architect is Renzo Piano just turned 70 and I asked him what felt like. He said that, as much as he had thought about and prepared for that moment, it still came as a shock. Now I can attest to that feeling of shock but more than anything he said it made him feel that our proper lifespan should be 210 years, 70 to learn, 70 to do, and 70 to teach the next generation.

This lovely description captures an elementary fact of life: a good life has the feeling that we’re learning more and more as we go. And that we could do even better if we just learned a bit more. I hope that you are fortunate enough to carry that spirit of life with you and we must hope together that it continues to define this nation and the world. In the centuries ahead, on behalf of Columbia University, I extend to all our graduates the centennial class of 20xx warmest k you!

2023經典英語演講稿 篇12

18年的生命中，有着許多美好的經歷，初入大學校園，又是另一種生活，同時，作爲當代大學生，你的身上肩負着成爲我們民族的脊樑，爲社會做出巨大的貢獻的重任。今天和小編一起來看看這篇演講稿吧。

Inmy18yearsoflife,impressedbyitsgarden-likecampus,ncefellinlovewithit.

在我這18年的生命中，有着許多美好的經歷，而大學生活則是其中最難忘的一段。我永遠不會忘記剛剛跨進大學校園的那幾天：花園一樣的校園，熱情活躍的學生，特別是那裏的學習氣氛，給我留下了深刻的印象。

Afterthearduousmilitarytraining,easilyarousemyinsatiabledesiretotakeinasmuchasIcan.

經過了一段艱辛的軍事訓練後，我完全融入到了學習中。老師的講課真是棒極了。他們傳授給我們的不僅是課本上的知識，還包括其他各種各樣的信息。我渴望獲得儘可能多的知識，是老師激發起了我這個不能滿足的慾望。

Franklyspeaking,ver,throughmyowneffortsandthankstomyteachers'guidance,'vebenefitedalotfromlecturesandmanyotheracademicreports.

坦率地說，一開始我還不能跟上老師的講課。但是，通過我自己的努力以及老師的指導，我取得了巨大的進步。我從老師的授課和其他許多學術報告中獲益匪淺。

Learningisalongprocess;I'lishinghouseofferedmeapart-timejobincompilationandrevision.

學習是個循序漸進、長期的過程，我會在知識的寶庫中不斷探索，豐富自我。今年暑假，我跨出象牙塔，進入並接觸到了真正的社會。一個出版社給了我編輯和校對的兼職工作。

heywerereallysurprisedwhenItranslatedsevenEnglisharticlesover5,ually,eiropinionIturnedouttobeausefulandtrustworthycolleague.

工作初期，同事們都礁不起我。但是，當我在一天之內翻譯完7篇（總字數超過5000字）的英語文章後，他們真的是大吃一驚。漸漸地，他們開始用尊敬的眼光看待我。他們認爲，我變成了一個有用並值得信賴的好同事。

eshowingthemhowbroadandhowcivilizedtheouterworldis,Iwasdeeplytouchedbytheireagernesstolearn,ldn'reciousexperiencewiththepoorkidsmademeawareoftheresponsibilityontheshouldersofus,futureteachers.

我也同樣意識到，只有那些爲別人帶來幸福的人才能真正的幸福。因而，我經常參加有關公衆福利享業的活動。有一次，我和同學去了一個貧痔的山區村莊。在那裏，我們教那些沒錢上學的孩子。我向他們展示了一幅寬廣、文明的外部世界的畫面，但同時我也被那些孩子學習的渴望、他們的真誠和純潔深深打動了。在我們離開的那一天，我那不爭氣的眼淚禁不住流了下來。這次珍貴的經歷讓我們這些未來的教師意識到了自己肩上的責任重大。

Besidesstudyandsocialpractice,odybuildingeveryday,sowriteaplayandputitoninoursparetime.

除了學習和社會實踐，我還經常參加娛樂活動。我每天都鍛鍊身體，希望保持健康和充滿活力。我們還在業餘時間寫劇本並排練演出。

ajorityofstudentscherishtheirbeautifulseasonandcherishthehopethatonedaythey'gathertogetherforeating,'forgetcompletelyabouttheirmissionascollegestudentsandthehopeoftheirmotherland.

園生活是最豐富多彩的。但是，不同的人有着不同的選擇。大多數的學生珍惜他們的美好時光，並殷切希望將來能出類拔萃。可是，的確有學生無動於衷。他們聚在一起吃喝玩樂，他們忙於追求異性朋友，他們完全忘記了自己作爲大學生的使命和祖國對他們的厚望。

Finally,opeeverybodycanbecomethebackboneofournationandmakegreatcontributionstosociety!

最後，我希望每個人都能盡努力成爲國家的有用人才。我也希望每個人都能成爲我們民族的脊樑，爲社會做出巨大的貢獻!